03 Apr 2021  |   04:04am IST

THE MONSERRATES ARE IN THE HOUSE BUT WHERE’S THE BJP?

THE MONSERRATES ARE IN THE HOUSE BUT WHERE’S THE BJP?

Sujay Gupta

There is the usual background noise, a constant din about how the Monserrates of Tiswadi have pretty much taken over the political reins of large chunks of the taluka and seeking new conquests.

They, on paper, have an insignia, and a symbol of a national party with a lotus symbol, who in turn are eternally grateful that when it comes to numbers, their outsourced conquerors will deliver a “package of seats”, to pitchfork them close to power.

It’s another matter that the Monserrates do not quite need any other coat of arms or heraldic visual designs that were the hallmark of the European nobility in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. They have their own. They fight elections on the de-facto Monserrate banner and manifesto and one may add money. No political party has ever funded the Monserrates but gained plenty from them. These were albeit short term successes as the patriarch Babush Monserrate jumped parties as they came to power. That’s one thing you have to say about outsourced warriors. They never lend their services to those who are not in charge. In the case of Monserrates the game is played a little differently. They serve only themselves and allow the party whose symbol they contest on to have larger benefits in terms of government formation. The Monserrates then allow this to further their own interests, “for development” and “for the people” of course.

But then, are they to blame for furthering their careers and footholds? Because the one argument that this ruling family of Panjim and its surroundings will always win is that they actually win elections. Barring Monserrate’s one loss to Siddharth Kuncaliencar (Parrikar’s handpicked man who Babush Monserrate called a chaprasi) for the Panjim Assembly seat in 2017, he has pretty much won everything he or his family have contested.

The more important narrative is that the party with actually no difference is, in the language of military engagement   using the Monserrates as a Private Military Firm. This term was used by Peter Singer in his essay on the Iraq war for the Brooking’s Institute for their electoral battle. One says this with no disdain, shock or the slightest of disrespect. We are merely stating facts as they are and recognising BJP’s strategy for what it is.

The moot point is that is this the cadre's strategy or that of the ruling elite in the party, led by the Chief Minister, his closest advisor who has returned to organisational politics and other organisational satraps? There is a clear indication that the cadres have been left out of this direction that the party is taking and, in some places, outsourced party leaders and agents have pushed the prospects of grassroots cadres in the wilderness.

Imagine the piquant situation in Panjim where hardcore cadre and organisation man Datta Prasad Naik had to once again lock horns with Babush Monserrate’s panel. Life never changes for him. He stood as the force of resistance for the BJP against Monserrate in Taleigao and then finds himself on the opposite end of the same politician who is now wearing Naik’s party clothes.

But is it just the cadre? What do you make of this? After Babush Monserrate’s panel won the elections to the Corporation of the City of Panjim, it was Monserrate who decided to anoint his son as the Mayor of Panjim, the first citizen of Goa’s capital. Goa’s Chief Minister, or party president or even the ‘super Chief Minister’, who was moved out of the State by the organisation and has returned to exercise absolute control over the government, had nothing to do with this. Even the BJP’s core committee that is taken into confidence, was simply shunned. Babush Monserrate, down with COVID directed his son, Rohit, to file nominations for the post of Mayor from his hospital bed. He did not even speak to the Chief Minister or the party. This is what the BJP has been reduced to. But then, is it complaining?

Dignity is a very small sacrifice these days, at the altar of winnability. It works for both. Babush wants to be on the side of power and BJP needs Babush to be in power. As for the cadres? Well as a senior party functionary said “If they don’t understand this, let them go and sing bhajans. Will the party sit and watch other parties come to power only to keep all cadres satisfied? After all, being in the ruling party helps them too.”

The wronged cadre feels belittled. The party management thinks hard choices have to be made to win. But either way you look at it, a divide has been caused. And this is visible. In ward number 13 of the CCP, the BJP fielded Pranay Maimkar, the nephew of BJP state president Sadanand Sheth Tanawade. And who was denied a ticket? The BJP Taleigao Mandal President and a long time BJP member Naresh Chari. Chari has been in the BJP since 1998. As a very young worker he campaigned for the BJP candidate Subhash Salkar who lost to Somnath Zuwarkar. Tanawade, the BJP State President himself came down to campaign in just one ward, of a corporation election for Maimkar. His opponent was Naresh Chari who was fielded by the Panjim Citizen's panel and backed by Datta Prasad Naik, BJP's long-standing organisation man, who was removed from his post of party spokesperson before the polls.

Isn’t this a case of BJP promoting family raj even in ward politics thereby creating a BJP vs BJP situation even in a civic election. Incidentally even after the party put its entire might behind Maimkar, he won by a mere 21 votes with Chari coming second. Isn’t there a clear narrative visible here?

The BJP may live in denial but it is a fact that there is unhappiness and instances of cadre leaving the party across the State. Some such examples are a case in point. Adv Pundalik Raikar, a BJP cadre, and the head of the Youth and Farmers Association of Taleigao is seen with the Revolutionary Goans party. Ulhas Navelkar former BJP youth president and Shekhar Shirodkar, a former booth president of the BJP in Taleigao are also with Revolutionary Goans. The hubris infused BJP may not care for these departures since the Monserrate army is expected to deliver Taleigao, St Cruz and Panjim to them but there is a growing section that feels that sacrificing the core ideals and way of the party, will destroy the party. The “BJP” may still elections but it will not be the BJP.

Let’s take a look at Shiroda for instance. Poonam Samant, former Mahila Morcha General Secretary and a powerful local leader in the Betorda area has left the party, obviously displeased with the induction of Congress turncoat Subhash Shirodkar. She contested the ZP election as an independent against Subhash Shirodkar’s candidate and lost by a mere 700 votes. The BJP needs to guard its turf in Ponda taluka. There is a possibility of Deepak Dhavalikar of MGP looking at Shiroda as a second option after Priol.

In Madkaim, Sudin Dhavlikar is all-powerful as always and importantly Dhavlikar’s hold over government officers in the area is strong because of large scale appointments made by him when he was a minister.

In Ponda, the BJP has again genuflected at the altar of Ravi Naik and family, with junior Ravi Naik, Ritesh set to contest there and not a grassroots cadre leader. Ask former BJP MP and a man with clean credentials, the articulate Narendra Sawaikar if he is happy with the Ravi Naik 'bhakti', his BJP has shown.

Now let’s move to Sankhali, the backyard of Chief Minister Pramod Sawant. There was one by-election for a ward in the Sankhali municipality for which the CM himself campaigned. And the BJP lost that ward. Yes, in the constituency of the Chief Minister. Sawant’s justification was that it was a minority (Muslim) dominated ward and hence the BJP lost. Now can that be a justification of a Chief Minister? It really is an admission that he can’t draw minority votes.

In neighbouring Valpoi, Health Minister Vishwajit Rane, controlled and swept the municipal elections securing almost 100% of the Muslim vote. And it is Vishwajit, like Babush Monserrate who had decided who the Chairperson will be and for how long. Is the BJP party anywhere in all this? It is nowhere.

But this story will not be complete without bringing the Congress into the picture. The reason why the individual leaders can run their own political enterprise is that there is virtually no Congress presence. And it extends to other areas too. In Bicholim, the Congress fielded six candidates in 14 seats and the six cumulatively polled 600 votes, beaten resoundingly. In Pernem it managed to find only three candidates in 10 seats. And in Mapusa, the Congress found just 12 candidates in 20 seats.

The Congress side story aside, there is no BJP in the manner, form and ideals as it was when a centrifugal force like Manohar Parrikar was present. Winnability is the be-all and end-all for the party. And it is losing both its core and its cadre.

Sujay Gupta is the Consulting Editor Herald Publications and tweets @sujaygupta0832


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