The recent book of Parag Parobo on “Dayanand Bandodkar and the Rise of Bahujan in Goa” was discussed at the GALF – 2015 [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tZlNV8w4rfI] by a panel of specialists in Anthropology, Gender politics, Literary fiction and one lone historian from outside Goa. They presented their suggestions for a new Goan historiography. None seems to have lived in Goa during Bhausaheb’s political mandate. For basing their proposed new historiography, the non-historians may need to resort to just as biased sources as the Skanda Purana which they ridiculed as an invention of the dominant castes. These benevolent social scientists seem to believe naively that the marginalised social groups are so handicapped that they cannot be equally inventive and liars.
The discussion skated over the freshness of Parag Parobo’s findings, which emphasised that the marginalised social groups of the New Conquests in particular were in dire need of basic education and health care. Communalisation of politics could merit discussion, but it has never been a novelty in Goa underneath its peace loving, ‘sossegado’ cover. The Bhausisation of Goan politics, precisely along the lines presented by Parag Porobo had been anticipated on pg 155 of my book “Goa outgrowing post colonialism” (2014), but obviously those exuding wisdom and originality could ignore its relevance.
Beside the bold social and economic reforms, Bhausaheb was literally a game changer in the realm of sports, and ended symbolically his political mission while playing table tennis.
This facet of Bahusaheb may sound elitist, but reveals his political cunning to garner wider support for his pet projects. While allocating a large chunk of the budget to his development programmes in favour of Bahujan Samaj, he also pleased the mining barons by opening the higher education to their investments.
The Goa Football Association (Associação de Futebol de Goa, A.F.G) created on December 23, 1959 had welcomed to Goa that same year the Portuguese team Sport Lisboa e Benfica. It was largely the work of the police officer João Luis Aranha, named the first President of the managing committee of GFA. Aranha returned to Portugal as POW following Goa’s Liberation. He has recently published his memoirs (Enquanto se esperam as naus do reino… Lisboa, 2008) wherein he recounts some details about football in Goa during the years of his posting there (pp. 82-83).
BM Parkkot, associated with Salgaocar Sports Club, helped GFA reach its goal of participating in India’s Blue Ribbon Trophy — the Santosh Trophy (India’s national tournament) hotly contested by every State in India. But for that GFA had to first host an All-India Football tournament for three years running to earn the confidence of the All India Football Federation.
Parkkot requested Bandodkar to donate a gold trophy to the Goa Football Association. In 1969 the AIFF recognised the Bandodkar Gold Trophy as a national tournament. The first All India Bandodkar Gold Trophy Tournament was held in 1970. The AIFF sanctioned the Santosh Trophy to Goa, fully satisfied with the abilities of the GFA to host the national tournament. In 1972, the Goa Football Association hosted its first national 19th Santosh Trophy which was declared open by Bandodkar himself.
Goa lost to Bengal, but gained in national standing. The affiliation to AIFF enabled Goa to pursue greater heights. Goa football prospered with the support lent by various mining groups, who were involved in football activities prior to liberation. We should not forget also the role of individuals like Augusto de Noronha e Távora (alias Lubé) who donated a trophy Taça Portugal and brought regularly leading teams from Bombay.
The Lusofonia games held in Goa early in 2014 need to be viewed as pragmatic future-oriented politics of exploiting historic links for mutual benefit, without colonial hang-ups. Rather than playing down the Past, the Jogos da Lusofonia or other equivalent events can serve to play up the best of the Past for improving the prospects for better postcolonial future for all.
The Lusofonia games may have left a false impression that the past could be played down and forgotten. The investment of the Goa government in making a success of these games may have confirmed the hopes or illusions of some “saudosistas” among the Goans and the Portuguese. However, no games can wipe out any disregard for the postcolonial redefinition of social rights in Goa.
If, thanks to Bandodkar’s Land Reforms, the local feudal landlords learnt their lessons, those based in Portugal seem to believe that nothing has changed in Goa since the colonial “lei de mundcarato” (1959).
The recent law abolishing the evacuee property is still awaiting implementation, but there are indications that the ex-colonial power will challenge it seeking the protection of the international law. We will then know if the promotion of the Jogos de Lusofonia meant any change of hearts.
As stated by one of the panelists at the GALF discussion, Bandodkar’s legacy is yet to be fulfilled with the abolition of the “lei de mazanias” for Hindu temples. The political successors of Bahusaheb need not wait to do their part to follow up his legacy and prove that postcolonial Goa does not need the return of Afonso de Albuquerque to liberate the disadvantaged Goan Hindu females in the post Bandodkar era.
(Teotonio R. de Souza is the founder-director, Xavier Centre of Historical Research, Goa (1979-1994).
