JOHN DAYAL
The National Crime Research Bureau data tells us a truth we don’t want to hear. The promise of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe Act remains unful filled as atrocities mount and systemic weak nesses show up as a daily routine. It is a challenge to India’s democracy and social fabric as President Murmu recently em phasised reminding the nation that empathy and justice for marginalised communities are not mere ideals but prerequisites for a truly inclusive nation. There is little to show in the words and deeds of the governing class that they un derstand the need for intersectional reforms spanning legal, social, political and technolog ical dimensions to dispel the shadow of caste based violence and restore dignity to Dalits and Adivasis across India. Opposition parties accuse ruling BJP states of complicity or neglect, pointing to misman agement and fund diversion, but have no answers why the crisis is almost as acute in states not ruled by the BJP till recently. Prescriptions of ancient lawgiver Manu for women, untouchables and “others” not in the Varna system were rejected by the writers of the Constitution of independent India, but the “Non-Uniform Civil Code” continues to inflict profound suffering on women and the 25 per cent of the nation’s population beyond the pu rity and teachability line. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (SC/ST Act) is a reality mostly in its failure. The Act amended in 2015, 2016, and 2018 to strengthen protections—including the estab lishment of exclusive courts, victim compen sation and the prohibition of anticipatory bail for accused offenders—aims to deter a wide spectrum of offences, from physical assault to social exclusion. The NCRB “Crime in India 2023” report, published on September 30, 2025, proves in sheer numbers the massive extent of its failure. Coupled with persistently low conviction rates and overwhelming case backlogs, this data exposes deep systemic failures. Minister of State for Social Justice Ramdas Athawale, in his March 9, 2026 parliamenta ry statement attributed the rise in reported cases to increased awareness and improved registration processes, but glossed over per vasive enforcement gaps and entrenched so cietal biases. The NCRB 2023 report records 57,789 atrocity cases against Dalits- a marginal 0.4% increase from 57,582 in 2022, translating to a crime rate of 28.7 per lakh Dalit population. However, atrocities against tribal commu nities have surged alarmingly by 28.8%, from 10,064 cases in 2022 to 12,960 in 2023, with a crime rate of 12.4 per lakh ST population. These figures scrape the surface. They re veal not just the persistence of violence but also the frailty of the justice system in deliv ering redress. Conviction rates remain disturbingly low – between 32-40% for SCs and a mere 28% for STs, well below the average for general Indian Penal Code (IPC) offences. The backlog bog gles the mind – with 307,355 cases pending under the SC/ST Act alone, along with 965 under the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955. Athawale’s March 2026 Lok Sabha reply credited this rise in case registration to “grow ing awareness, publicity, and police training,” echoing earlier statements from 2025. Amendments after 2014 such as mandato ry FIR registration and special investigative protocols have improved reporting rates. But it has triggered a backlash by self-styled Upper Castes, or General Castes as they now want to be known, against affirmative action measures. It is critical to note that NCRB data relies heavily on FIRs, and non-governmental or ganisations (NGOs) estimate that 50-70% of atrocities, particularly in remote and tribal areas, remain unreported. Between 2021 and 2023, SC cases in creased steadily from 50,900 to 57,789, while ST cases rose from lower baselines to 12,960. This trend persists despite the introduction of digital tools like e-portals for case tracking. Acquittal rates are alarmingly high, ex ceeding 60% in many instances, often due to witness intimidation, delayed investigations, and lack of concrete evidence. Chargesheet ing averages 81.2%, but varies starkly across states—Goa reports a 100% rate, while Ra jasthan lags below 50%. The geography of caste and tribal atrocities reveals troubling concentrations and regional contrasts. Northern and central Indian states, many governed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), bear the brunt—Uttar Pradesh (UP), Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (MP) togeth er account for 76% of SC atrocity cases. Uttar Pradesh leads with 15,130 SC cases in 2023, comprising 26% of national figures and marking a 16% rise from 13,146 cases in 2021. Rajasthan follows with 8,449 cases, registering the highest SC crime rate nation ally at 69.1 per lakh population, while low chargesheeting rate of under 50% highlights systemic judicial failure. Madhya Pradesh re ports 8,232 SC cases with the highest SC crime rate of 72.6 per lakh and leads in ST atrocities with 2,979 cases. Bihar reports 7,064 SC cas es with a crime rate of 42.6, exacerbated by the presence of caste militias. Southern states show varied patterns: Tamil Nadu’s SC/ST cases grew by 9.1% to 1,921 in 2023, marking a 68% increase over five years, often linked to caste-based honour killings. Karnataka reported 1,977 SC cases, with urban Bengaluru emerging as a hotspot. Andhra Pradesh tops southern SC case num bers with 2,315. Western states like Maharashtra and Guja rat report 2,741 and 1,279 SC cases respec tively, but high pendency—up to 96% of trials remain pending—undermines justice delivery. Urban centres show alarming spikes. Jai pur experienced a 35% increase in SC cases between 2021 and 2023, reaching 489, the highest for ST cases at 228. Bengaluru topped metropolitan areas with 285 SC cases and 15 ST cases, while Lucknow led with 517 SC cases. The intersection of caste and gender multi plies the risks faced by Dalit and tribal wom en, who are often targeted by violence meant to assert dominance and reinforce systemic oppression. NCRB 2023 data details 2,835 rapes against SC women over 18 years old and 1,379 rapes of SC girls under the Protec tion of Children from Sexual Offences (POC SO) Act. Assaults to outrage modesty were reported in 3,716 cases involving SC women. SC women account for 15.32% of all caste-re lated crimes, while ST rapes numbered 1,189, constituting 9.2% of all ST cases. Only 14 states have established exclusive courts mandated by the Act, severely limit ing access to timely justice. Police often resist registering FIRs for SC/ST complaints, citing “false cases” in 10-12% of instances, a figure frequently used to discredit victims and dis courage reporting. Election rhetoric increasingly polarises communities. Some BJP-ruled states have di verted SC/ST welfare funds toward other pri orities—Madhya Pradesh, for example, allo cated ₹95.76 crore to cow welfare programs, raising concerns about neglect of marginal ised groups. Dalit activists have demanded that NCRB’s digital platforms should be leveraged for real-time pendency tracking and public accountability. (John Dayal is an author, Editor, occasional documentary film maker and activist)
